英语（一）试题
Section Use of English
路线：
阅读以下文字。为每个编号的空白选择最佳单词，并在答题卡1 上标记A、B、C 或D。（10 分）
对动物智力的研究总是让我想知道人类到底有多聪明。 1 Carl Zimmer 在《科学时报》上发表的文章中描述的果蝇实验。那些被教导比普通果蝇更聪明的果蝇2 寿命更短。这表明3 的灯泡燃烧时间更长，而4 则不太亮。
情报，it 5 ，是一个高价的选择。它需要更多的维护，燃烧更多的燃料，并且起跑线很慢6 因为它依赖于学习（a(n) 7 过程）而不是本能。许多其他物种都能够学习，他们显然学会的事情之一就是何时到8 点。
9智力有适应性价值吗？这就是这项新研究背后的问题。它不是对我们在智商方面被抛在尘埃中的所有物种投以渴望的目光10 ，而是含蓄地问我们自己真正的智力11 可能是什么。这是12 我们见过的每一种动物的想法。
对动物智力的研究也让我们想知道，如果有机会，动物会在人类身上进行哪些实验13 。每只14 岁的主人都在进行一项小规模的操作性条件反射研究。我们相信15 只动物管理着这个实验室，它们将考验我们的耐心、忠诚度和对地点的记忆力的16 个极限。他们将试图确定人类真正的智力是什么17 ，而不仅仅是智力有多少。 18 ，他们希望研究a( n) 19 Question: 人类真的意识到他们生活的世界吗？ 20 结果尚无定论。
1. [A] 假设[B] 考虑[C] 观察[D] 想象
2. [A] 倾向于[B] 担心[C] 发生[D] 受到威胁
3. [A] 更薄[B] 更稳定[C] 更轻[D] 调光
4. [A] 倾向[B] 优势[C] 倾向[D] 优先级
5. [A] 坚持[B] 总结[C] 结果[D] 提出
6. [A] 从[B] 后面[C] 越过[D] 沿
7. [A] 难以置信[B] 自发[C] 不可避免[D] 渐进
8. [A] 战斗[B] 怀疑[C] 停止[D] 思考
9. [A] 不可见[B] 有限[C] 不确定[D] 不同
10. [A]向上[B]向前[C]向后[D]向后
11. [A] 特征[B] 影响[C] 结果[D] 成本
12. [A] 在[B] 之外，在[C] 上，通过[D] 穿过
13. [A] 交付[B] 携带[C] 执行[D] 应用
14. [A] 偶然[B] 对比[C] 照常[D] 例如
15. [A] 如果[B] 除非[C] 作为[D] 以免
16. [A] 适度[B] 克服[C] 确定[D] 达到
17. [A] 在[B] 处为[C] 在[D] 之后
18. [A] 最重要的是[B] 毕竟[C] 然而[D] 否则
19. [A] 基本[B] 全面[C] 同等[D] 敌对
20. [A] 偶然[B] 及时[C] 到目前为止[D] 更好
【翻译】
智慧的成本（编辑补充）
智慧的代价
对动物智力的研究总是让我们想知道人类到底有多聪明。请考虑Carl Zimmer 在《科学时代》 上描述果蝇实验的文章。有些果蝇经过训练比普通果蝇更聪明，但它们的寿命往往较短。这表明“调光灯泡”更耐用，并且还表明“亮度较低”是一个优势。
实验表明，智力是一个代价非常昂贵的选择。它需要更多的维护，消耗更多的能量，并且启动缓慢，因为智力的获取依赖于学习的渐进过程——而不是本能。许多其他物种都有学习能力，显然它们学到的事情之一就是何时停止学习。
有限的智力有适应性价值吗？这就是进行这项新研究的原因。这项研究的目的不是要满怀渴望地审视我们人类在智力上远远超越的物种，而是含蓄地询问我们智力的真正代价可能是什么。这个问题困扰着我们遇到的每一种动物。
对动物智力的研究也让我们想知道，如果有机会，动物会在人类身上做什么样的实验。例如，正在对每只有主人的猫进行操作性条件反射的小型研究。我们认为，如果动物能够管理实验室，它们将测试我们的耐心、忠诚度和位置记忆的极限。他们将尝试确定人类智能的实际用途，而不仅仅是其优点。最重要的是，他们希望研究一个基本问题：人类是否真正意识到他们所生活的世界？对此，陪审团还没有定论。
Section Reading Comprehension
Part A
路线：
阅读下面四篇课文。选择A、B、C 或D 回答每篇课文下方的问题。在答题卡1 上标记您的答案。（40 分）
Text 1
习惯是一件有趣的事情。我们不假思索地伸手去触碰它们，让我们的大脑处于自动驾驶状态，并放松到熟悉的日常生活中无意识的舒适感中。威廉·华兹华斯(William Wordsworth) 在19 世纪曾说过：“统治不加思考的人群的是习惯，而不是选择。”在瞬息万变的21世纪，连“习惯”这个词都带有负面含义。
因此，在与创造力和创新相同的背景下谈论习惯似乎是自相矛盾的。但大脑研究人员发现，当我们有意识地养成新的习惯时，我们就会创造出平行的路径，甚至全新的脑细胞，从而可以将我们的思路跳到新的、创新的轨道上。
我们不应该把自己视为不可改变的习惯生物，而是可以通过有意识地养成新习惯来引导自己的改变。事实上，我们尝试的新事物越多，越走出舒适区，我们在工作场所和个人生活中就越具有内在的创造力。
但不必费心去改掉旧习惯；一旦这些程序的惯例被磨进大脑，它们就会留下来。相反，我们刻意强加给自己的新习惯创造了可以绕过那些旧道路的平行路径。
“创新首先需要的是对奇迹的迷恋，”《开放思想》一书的作者多娜·马尔科娃说。 “但我们被教导要‘做出决定’，就像我们的总统称自己为‘决策者’一样。”然而，她补充说，“做出决定就是消灭除一种可能性之外的所有可能性。一个优秀的创新思想家总是在探索许多其他的可能性。”
她说，我们所有人都以自己不知道的方式解决问题。 1960 年代末的研究人员发现，人类生来就有能力以四种主要方式： 分析、程序、关系（或协作）和创新来应对挑战。然而，在青春期结束时，大脑会关闭一半的能力，只保留那些在生命的前十年左右似乎最有价值的思维模式。
当前对标准化测试的重视强调分析和程序，这意味着我们很少有人天生会使用我们的创新和协作思维模式。 “这打破了美国信仰体系中的主要规则——任何人都可以做任何事，”M. J. Ryan 解释道，他是2006 年出版的《This Year I Will.》一书的作者，也是Markova 女士的商业伙伴。 “这是我们一直以来的谎言，它促进了共性。知道自己擅长什么，并做得更多，才能创造卓越。”这就是培养新习惯的用武之地。
21. 在华兹华斯看来，“习惯”的特点是
[答]休闲。 [B] 熟悉。
[C]机械。 [D] 多变的。
22. 大脑研究人员发现，新习惯的形成可以
[A]预测。 [B] 监管。
[C] 追踪。 [D]引导。
23. “车辙”（第.4 段）一词的含义最接近
[A] 曲目。 [B]系列。
[C] 特点。 [D] 连接。
24. Dawna Markova 很可能同意这一点
[A] 想法诞生于放松的心灵。
[B] 创新能力是可以教授的。
[C] 果断源自奇思妙想。
[D]好奇心激活创造性思维。
25. Ryan 的评论表明标准测试的实践
[A] 阻止新习惯的形成。
[B]不再强调共性。
[C]保持了美国固有的思维模式。
[D] 符合美国信仰体系。
【翻译】
你能成为一个有新习惯的人吗（编者补充）
你能成为一个养成新习惯的人吗？
习惯是一个有趣的现象。我们会自动出于习惯而行动：让我们的大脑处于自动驾驶状态，并放松到例行公事带来的无意识的舒适感中。威廉·华兹华斯在19世纪曾说过：“统治那些不善于思考的人的不是选择，而是习惯。”在日新月异的21世纪，连“习惯”这个词都带有贬义。
因此，将习惯与创造力和创新放在同一背景下讨论似乎是矛盾的。但大脑研究人员发现，当我们有意识地养成新的习惯时，大脑中会同时生成相应的路线，甚至生成全新的脑细胞，从而可以将我们的想法转移到新的创新轨道上。
我们不应该将自己视为习惯的产物，而是可以通过有意识地养成新习惯来主动做出改变。事实上，我们尝试新事物的次数越多，走出舒适区的次数就越多，我们内在的创造力就越强，无论是在工作场所还是在个人生活中。
但没有必要费尽心思去消除旧习惯。一旦习惯过程在大脑中留下了深深的“痕迹”，它就会永远留在那里。我们刻意培养的新习惯会在我们的大脑中创建绕过那些旧路线的路线。
《开放的思维》一书的作者道娜·马尔科娃(Dawna Markova) 表示：“创新的首要条件是好奇心。但我们被教导要‘做出决定’，就像我们的总统说他是‘决策者’一样。”不过，她补充道： “决策就是保留一种可能性并杀死所有其他可能性。一位伟大的创新思想家总是在探索其他可能性。”
她说我们没有人关注我们如何解决问题。 20 世纪60 年代末的研究人员发现，人们天生就有四种主要方式来应对挑战：分析、过程、联系（即协作）和创新。到青春期结束时，大脑会关闭一半的功能，只保留在人类生命的最初十几年中似乎最有价值的思维方式。
当前对鼓励分析和过程方法的标准化测试的关注意味着我们很少有人本能地使用创新和协作的思维方式。 “这违背了美国信仰体系的一个重要信条，即‘你可以做任何事情’，”2006 年出版的《今年我打算……》 书的作者、马尔科娃女士的商业伙伴安安(Duan An) 说。 “标准化测试教会我们知道自己擅长什么。做某事并做得更多是我们长期以来一直存在的谎言，以至于它造成了平庸。”这就是养成新习惯（实现突破性创新）的意义。
Text 2
了解自己的孩子才是明智的父亲，但今天的男人可以提升他的父亲智慧——或者至少确认他是孩子的父亲。他所需要做的就是在当地药店花30 美元购买亲子鉴定套件(PTK)，然后再花120 美元来获得结果。
生产非处方试剂盒的Identigene 首席运营官道格·福格(Doug Fogg) 表示，自去年首次无需处方即可获得PTK 以来，已有超过60, 000 人购买了这些药物。有两打以上的公司直接向公众出售DNA 测试，价格从几百美元到2、500 美元以上不等。
其中最受欢迎的： 亲子鉴定和亲属关系测试，被收养的孩子可以用来寻找他们的亲生亲属，家庭可以用来追踪被收养的孩子。 DNA 测试也是热情的家谱学家中最新的风潮，并为那些提供寻找家族地理根源的企业提供支持。
大多数测试需要通过擦拭口腔中的唾液来收集细胞并将其发送到公司进行测试。所有测试都需要与潜在候选人进行DNA 比较。
但一些观察家对此表示怀疑。纽约大学社会学家特洛伊·达斯特（Troy Duster）表示：“那些声称自己正在进行血统测试的人兜售着一种虚假的精确性。”他指出，每个人都有许多祖先——几个世纪前就有数百个。然而，大多数血统测试只考虑单一谱系，要么是通过父系男性遗传的Y 染色体，要么是仅从母亲遗传下来的线粒体DNA。这种DNA只能揭示一到两个祖先的遗传信息，尽管，例如，仅仅三代人之前，人们还有另外六位曾祖父母，或者四代人之前，还有另外14位曾曾祖父母。
批评者还认为，商业基因检测的效果取决于与样本进行比较的参考集合。一些公司使用的数据库不依赖
on data collected systematically but rather lump together information from different research projects. This means that a DNA database may have a lot of data from some regions and not others, so a person’s test results may differ depending on the company that processes the results. In addition, the computer programs a company uses to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer review or outside evaluation.
26. In paragraphs 1 and 2 , the text shows PTK’s
[A] easy availability. [B] flexibility in pricing.
[C] successful promotion. [D] popularity with households.
27. PTK is used to
[A] locate one’s birth place. [B] promote genetic research.
[C] identify parent-child kinship. [D] choose children for adoption.
28. Skeptical observers believe that ancestry testing fails to
[A] trace distant ancestors.
[B] rebuild reliable bloodlines.
[C] fully use genetic information.
[D] achieve the claimed accuracy.
29. In the last paragraph, a problem commercial genetic testing faces is
[A] disorganized data collection.
[B] overlapping database building.
[C] excessive sample comparison.
[D] lack of patent evaluation.
30. An appropriate title for the text is most likely to be
[A] Fors and Againsts of DNA Testing
[B] DNA Testing and Its Problems
[C] DNA Testing Outside the Lab
[D] Lies Behind DNA Testing
【译文】
Who’s Your Daddy? The Answer May Be at the Drugstore（编者加）
谁是你的父亲？在药店可能找到答案
再聪明的父亲也不见得了解自己的孩子，但如今的男人可以提高其为人父的智慧了——或者至少能够确定自己是孩子的亲生父亲。他所要做的仅仅是花30美元在住处附近的药店购买亲子鉴定工具包（PTK），再花上120元即可得到结果。
一家名为“基因检测”的公司生产这种供柜台销售的（非处方的）工具包。该公司的首席营运长道格•福格说，自从去年PTK不需医师处方即可购买以来，购买者已逾六万人。直接向公众出售基因检测服务的公司超过24家，价格从几百元到2,500多元不等。
基因检测中最受欢迎的是亲子、亲族鉴定，被领养的孩子可以用它寻找有血缘关系的亲属，而家庭可以用它来追查被领养孩子的下落。基因检测最近在谱系学家中也流行了起来，同时它也可辅助公司寻找家族地域根源。
大多数检测都需要用棉签蘸取唾液的方式收集细胞并将唾液送到公司进行检测。所有的检测都需要一个做DNA比对的潜在人选。
但一些观察家持怀疑态度。纽约大学的社会学家特洛伊·达斯特说，“声称自己在做家谱检测的人们所吹嘘的精确性是虚假的。”他指出，每个人都有多个祖先，仅上溯几百年，祖先的数目可达数百位之多。然而大部分的家谱检测只考虑单一的谱系——同一父亲的男性遗传的Y染色体，或者仅通过母亲传递（给子女）的线粒体DNA。这种DNA只能揭示一两位祖先的基因信息，而仅上溯三代，每个人还有（检测之外的）六位曾祖，上溯四代，还有十四位高祖（的信息被遗漏）。
批评者还指出，商业基因检测的准确率取决于用于样本比对的参考数据库。很多公司采用的数据库不是基于系统收集的数据，而是基于不同研究项目信息的混杂。这意味着某个DNA数据库有来自某些地区的大量数据，但缺乏其他地区的数据。因此，同一个人的检测结果会因为处理研究结果的公司不同而存在差异。另外，公司用于判定血亲关系的计算机程序可能申请了专利保护，不易接受同行评审或外界评估。
Text 3
The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike. Progress in both areas is undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting rapid economic development in poor countries is wrong. We are fortunate that it is, because building new educational systems there and putting enough people through them to improve economic performance would require two or three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radically higher productivity and, as a result, radically higher standards of living.
Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago, with the country entering a recession and Japan at its pre-bubble peak, the U.S. workforce was derided as poorly educated and one of the primary causes of the poor U.S. economic performance. Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automotive-assembly productivity. Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factories of Honda, Nissan, and Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese counterparts—a result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job.
More recently, while examining housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, non-English-speaking Mexican workers in Houston, Texas, consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry’s work.
What is the real relationship between education and economic development? We have to suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even when governments don’t force it. After all, that’s how education got started. When our ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10, 000 years ago, they didn’t have time to wonder much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things.
As education improved, humanity’s productivity potential increase as well. When the competitive environment pushed our ancestors to achieve that potential, they could in turn afford more education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. Thus poor countries might not be able to escape their poverty traps without political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. A lack of formal education, however, doesn’t constrain the ability of the developing world’s workforce to substantially improve productivity for the foreseeable future. On the contrary, constraints on improving productivity explain why education isn’t developing more quickly there than it is.
31. The author holds in paragraph 1 that the important of education in poor countries
[A] is subject to groundless doubts.
[B] has fallen victim of bias.
[C] is conventionally downgraded.
[D] has been overestimated.
32. It is stated in paragraph 1 that the construction of a new education system
[A] challenges economists and politicians.
[B] takes efforts of generations.
[C] demands priority from the government.
[D] requires sufficient labor force.
33. A major difference between the Japanese and U.S. workforces is that
[A] the Japanese workforce is better disciplined.
[B] the Japanese workforce is more productive.
[C] the U.S. workforce has a better education.
[D] the U.S. workforce is more organized.
34. The author quotes the example of our ancestors to show that education emerged
[A] when people had enough time.
[B] prior to better ways of finding food.
[C] when people no longer went hungry.
[D] as a result of pressure on government.
35. According to the last paragraph, development of education
[A] results directly from competitive environments.
[B] does not depend on economic performance.
[C] follows improved productivity.
[D] cannot afford political changes.
【译文】
Educating Global Workers（编者加）
教育全球工人
经济学家和政治学家都误解了贫困国家正规教育与经济增长之间的关系。毫无疑问，在这两个领域取得的进步对于这些贫困国家以及其他国家的社会、政治、智力发展都是必不可少的。传统观点认为教育应成为促进贫困国家经济快速发展首要考虑的因素之一，然而这种观点是错误的。我们很庆幸这种观点错了，因为在这些国家建立新的教育体制并通过这种体制培养足够的人才来提高经济效益需要两三代人去完成。一家研究机构的研究结果一直表明，所有国家的工人都可以通过在岗培训从根本上提高生产率，进而从根本上提高生活水平。
具有讽刺意味的是，这一观点最先在美国得到证实。不久前，当美国经济进入衰退期，而日本处于泡沫破裂前的经济高峰期时，美国的劳工被嘲笑受教育水平低，并被看做造成美国经济效益低的主要原因之一。日本从过去到现在一直在汽车装配生产方面保持全球领先地位。然而，研究表明丰田、尼桑、本田（三家日本汽车商）的美国工厂达到了日本本土工厂生产率的约95%，这要归功于对美国工人进行的在岗培训。
更近些时候，研究者在调查房屋建筑业时发现，尽管建筑业的工作很复杂，但是在得克萨斯州休斯敦市的那些没受过教育而且不会说英语的墨西哥工人却总能达到劳动生产率的最高标准。
那么教育和经济发展之间究竟是怎样的关系呢？我们不得不猜想，即使政府不强制推行教育，经济的持续增长也会促进教育的发展。毕竟，教育最初就是这样产生的。一万年前，当我们的祖先还在以打猎、采集为生时，他们根本没有时间去思考寻找食物以外的其他事情。只有当人类开始以更有效率的方式获取食物后，才会有时间去考虑其他的事情。
随着教育的进步，人类的生产率的潜能也得到了提高。当竞争环境促使我们的祖先去实现这种潜能时，他们反过来又能得到更多的教育。经济效益的提高需要相应的复杂的政治体制，而这种日益提高的教育水平是建立政治体制的必要而非充分条件。因此，没有政治变革，贫困国家可能无法摆脱贫穷的困境，而政治变革只能通过较广泛的正规教育来实现。但是，正规教育的缺乏并不会限制发展中国家的劳动力能在可预见的未来大幅提高生产率。相反，生产率提高受到了限制则解释了为什么这些国家的教育没有发展得更快。
Text 4
The most thoroughly studied intellectuals in the history of the New World are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was “So much importance attached to intellectual pursuits”. According to many books and articles, New England’s leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans’ theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church—important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture, adjusting to New World circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts churches in the decade after 1629, there were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. These men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
We should not forget, however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few craftsmen or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, it is obvious that their views were less fully intellectualized. Their thinking often had a traditional superstitious quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. Sexual confusion, economic frustrations, and religious hope—all came together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: “come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people.” One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churches.
Meanwhile , many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane’s, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . “Our main end was to catch fish”.
36. The author holds that in the seventeenth-century New England
[A] Puritan tradition dominated political life.
[B] intellectual interests were encouraged.
[C] Politics benefited much from intellectual endeavors.
[D] intellectual pursuits enjoyed a liberal environment.
37. It is suggested in paragraph 2 that New Englanders
[A] experienced a comparatively peaceful early history.
[B] brought with them the culture of the Old World.
[C] paid little attention to southern intellectual life.
[D] were obsessed with religious innovations.
38. The early ministers and political leaders in Massachusetts Bay
[A] were famous in the New World for their writings.
[B] gained increasing importance in religious affairs.
[C] abandoned high positions before coming to the New World.
[D] created a new intellectual atmosphere in New England.
39. The story of John Dane shows that less well-educated New Englanders were often
[A] influenced by superstitions.
[B] troubled with religious beliefs.
[C] puzzled by church sermons.
[D] frustrated with family earnings.
40. The text suggests that early settlers in New England
[A] were mostly engaged in political activities.
[B] were motivated by an illusory prospect.
[C] came from different backgrounds.
[D] left few formal records for later reference.
【译文】
The Early Civilization in New England（编者加）
新英格兰地区的早期文明
在北美新大陆的历史中，被研究得最彻底的知识分子是17世纪新英格兰地区的牧师和政治领袖。根据美国权威哲学史记载，在殖民时代的美国，任何其他地区都不及新英格兰“如此注重知识的追求”。根据大量书籍和文献记载，新英格兰的领袖确立了美国精神生活中逐渐发展并占据统治地位的清教传统的基本主题和关注要点。
以这种方法看待新英格兰人通常意味着要从这些清教徒的神学变革以及他们对教会的独特观念入手——这些是不容忽略的主题。但是为了与我们对美国南部地区文化生活的考察相一致，我们可以将这些最初的清教徒移民视为欧洲文化的承载者，他们在适应新大陆的环境。新英格兰殖民地成为追求广泛认可的礼仪和技艺等重要事件的发生地。
马萨诸塞湾的早期移民包括在英国受过良好教育以及具有一定影响力的人。除了1629年之后十年内来到马萨诸塞教会的约90位博学的牧师之外，还有像约翰·温斯罗普——一位受到良好教育的绅士、律师，远航到波士顿之前曾担任王室官员——这样的政治领袖。这些人广泛著书并出版，同时被新大陆和旧大陆的读者们所熟悉，为新英格兰营造了一种求知的氛围。
然而，我们不应忘记，大多数新英格兰人并未受过良好的教育。虽然极少数手工艺者、农民——侍从和仆人就更少了——留下了可供分析的文学作品，但显然他们的观点不那么学术化。他们的思想常常带有传统的宗教迷信色彩。一位名叫约翰·丹奈的裁缝，于17世纪30年代后期移居新大陆，他所留下的关于离开英国原因的叙述里充满了各种征兆。性困惑、经济挫折和宗教理想在一个决定性的时刻同时到来，这时他打开《圣经》，告诉父亲他读到的第一行字将决定他的命运，接着读到了以下神奇的字眼：“从他们中走出来吧，别碰不干净的东西。我将是你的上帝，你将是我的移民。”我们不禁想知道丹奈对清教教堂里那些精心诠释的布道文又会是什么态度呢？
此外，很多移民并没有丹奈这么虔诚的宗教信仰。正如一名牧师在与沿海地区渔民相遇时所了解到的：他们嘲弄地说来新大陆不是为了宗教，“我们主要的目的是来捕鱼”。
Part B
Directions:
In the following text, some segments have been removed. For Questions 41-45, choose the most suitable one from the list A-G to fit into each of the numbered blanks. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the blanks. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)
Coinciding with the groundbreaking theory of biological evolution proposed by British naturalist Charles Darwin in the 1860s, British social philosopher Herbert Spencer put forward his own theory of biological and cultural evolution. Spencer argued that all worldly phenomena, including human societies, changed over time, advancing toward perfection. (41)
American social scientist Lewis Henry Morgan introduced another theory of cultural evolution in the late 1800s. Morgan helped found modern anthropology—the scientific study of human societies, customs and beliefs—thus becoming one of the earliest anthropologists. In his work, he attempted to show how all aspects of culture changed together in the evolution of societies.
(42)
In the early 1900s in North America, German-born American anthropologist Franz Boas developed a new theory of culture known as Historical particularism, which emphasized the uniqueness of all cultures, gave new direction to anthropology. (43)
Boas felt that the culture of any society must be understood as the result of a unique history and not as one of many cultures belonging to a broader evolutionary stage or type of culture.
(44)
Historical particularism became a dominant approach to the study of culture in American anthropology, largely through the influence of many students of Boas. But a number of anthropologists in the early 1900s also rejected the particularist theory of culture in favor of diffusionism. Some attributed virtually every important cultural achievement to the inventions of a few, especially gifted peoples that, according to diffusionists, then spread to other cultures.
(45)
Also in the early 1900s, French sociologist-mile Durkheim developed a theory of culture that would greatly influence anthropology. Durkheim proposed that religious beliefs functioned to reinforce social solidarity. An interest in the relationship between the function of society and culture became a major theme in European, and especially British, anthropology.
[A] Other anthropologists believed that cultural innovations, such as inventions, had a single origin and passed from society to society. This theory was known as diffusionism.
[B] In order to study particular cultures as completely as possible, he became skilled in linguistics, the study of languages, and in physical anthropology, the study of human biology and anatomy.
[C] He argued that human evolution was characterized by a struggle he called the “survival of the fittest, ” in which weaker races and societies must eventually be replaced by stronger, more advanced races and societies.
[D] They also focused on important rituals that appeared to preserve a people’s social structure, such as initiation ceremonies that formally signify children’s entrance into adulthood.
[E] Thus, in his view, diverse aspects of culture, such as the structure of families, forms of marriage, categories of kinship, ownership of property, forms of government, technology, and systems of food production, all changed as societies evolved.
[F] Supporters of the theory viewed culture as a collection of integrated parts that work together to keep a society functioning.
[G] For example, British anthropologists Grafton Elliot Smith and W. J. Perry incorrectly suggested, on the basis of inadequate information, that farming, pottery making, and metallurgy all originated in ancient Egypt and diffused throughout the world. In fact, all of these cultural developments occurred separately at different times in many parts of the world.
【译文】
Sociology and Social Reform（编者加）
社会学和社会改革
19世纪60年代，在英国博物学家查尔斯·达尔文提出开创性的生物进化论的同时，英国社会哲学家赫伯特·斯宾塞也提出了自己关于生物和文化进化的理论。斯宾塞认为，包括人类社会在内的世间所有现象，都随着时间而改变，日趋完善。[C]他认为人类进化具有他称之为“适者生存”斗争的特点。在这场斗争中，弱小的种族和社会最终将会被更强大、更先进的种族和社会取代。
19世纪末，美国社会科学家刘易斯·亨利·摩尔根提出了另一种文化进化理论。摩尔根在创立了现代人类学——即对人类社会、习俗和信仰的科学研究——方面多有帮助，他因此成为最早的人类学家之一。他在著作中试图展示在社会的进化过程中，文化的各个方面是如何同时发生变化的。[E]因此，在他看来，文化的不同方面，诸如家庭结构、婚姻形式、亲属分类、财产所有权、政府形式、技术、食品生产体系等，都随着社会的进化而变化。
在20世纪初期的北美，德裔美国人类学家弗朗兹·博厄斯提出了一种新的文化理论，即历史特殊论。历史特殊论强调所有文化的独特性，为人类学的发展指出了新的方向。[A]其他的人类学家认为诸如发明这样的文化创新具有单一的起源，在社会之间传播。这个理论被称为文化传播论。
博厄斯认为，任何社会的文化都必须被当成某一独特历史的产物来理解，而不能是同属于某一更广义的进化阶段或者文化类型的许多文化中的一种。[B]为了尽可能全面地研究独特的文化现象，博厄斯熟练掌握了语言学——即对语言的研究——和体质人类学——即对人体生物学和解剖学的研究。
历史特殊论成为美国文化人类学研究的主导理论，这主要是由于博厄斯众多学生的影响。但是20世纪初的许多人类学家反对文化特殊论，而选择文化传播论。有些人类学家几乎将所有的重要的文化成就都归为少数，尤其是极有天赋的民族的创造。根据传播论者的看法，这些发明后来传播到其他的文化中。[G]比如在研究材料不充分的情况下，英国人类学家拉夫顿·艾略特和W·J·斐瑞错误地指出，农耕、制陶、冶金都源于古埃及，然后传播至全世界。事实上，所有的这些文化发展分别在不同时期出现在了世界各地。
同样在20世纪初，法国社会学家埃米尔·涂尔干提出了一种文化理论，对人类学产生了极大的影响。涂尔干提出，宗教信仰具有加强社会团结的功能。对社会功能与文化之间的关联的兴趣，成为了欧洲尤其是英国人类学研究的一个重要的主题。
Part C
Directions:
Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. Your translation should be written clearly on ANSWER SHEET 2. (10 points)
There is a marked difference between the education which everyone gets from living with others and the deliberate educating of the young. In the former case the education is incidental; it is natural and important, but it is not the express reason of the association. (46) It may be said that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; but this effect is not a part of its original motive. Religious associations began, for example, in the desire to secure the favor of overruling powers and to ward off evil influences; family life in the desire to gratify appetites and secure family perpetuity; systematic labor, for the most part, because of enslavement to others, etc. (47) Only gradually was the by-product of the institution noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution. Even today, in our industrial life, apart from certain values of industriousness and thrift, the intellectual and emotional reaction of the forms of human association under which the world’s work is carried on receives little attention as compared with physical output.
But in dealing with the young, the fact of association itself as an immediate human fact, gains in importance. (48) While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition, it is not so easy as in dealing with adults. The need of training is too evident and the pressure to accomplish a change in their attitude and habits is too urgent to leave these consequences wholly out of account. (49) Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or not we are forming the powers which will secure this ability. If humanity has made some headway in realizing that the ultimate value of every institution is its distinctively human effect we may well believe that this lesson has been learned largely through dealings with the young.
(50) We are thus led to distinguish, within the broad educational process which we have been so far considering, a more formal kind of education—that of direct tuition or schooling. In undeveloped social groups, we find very little formal teaching and training. These groups mainly rely for instilling needed dispositions into the young upon the same sort of association which keeps adults loyal to their group.
【译文】
The Place of Formal Education（编者加）
正规教育的地位
与他人相处得到的教育和年轻人刻意接受的教育之间，存在着显著的区别。在前一种情况下，教育是附带产生的，尽管极其自然而且重要，但却不是人际交往的原始目的。（46）虽然我们可以说，衡量任何社会机构的价值的标准在于其对于丰富和完善人生经验所产生的影响，但这种影响并不是我们最初动机的一部分。比如，宗教团体的产生是为了获得神灵庇佑、祛除邪恶的影响，而家庭生活是为了满足欲望并维系家庭的延续。系统的劳作大多是为奴役他人，等等。（47）机构所带的副产品只是逐渐被人们注意到，而人们将其视为机构运作的指导性因素，这一过程则更加缓慢。即便是现在，在我们的工业化生活中，除了勤奋和节约等某些价值观之外，整个世界运行所依赖的各种人际交往形式中存在的智力和情感反应，相较于物质产出，仍然没有引起人们的关注。
但是在与年轻人交际时，交往本身作为人际活动中的一种直接事实，却得到了重视。（48）虽然在与年轻人交往时，我们容易忽视自己的行为对他们性格产生的影响，但是在与成年人打交道时，这就不容易发生了。很明显，培训非常有必要，迫使他们的态度和习惯有所改变的要求如此急切，以至于我们不能完全对这些后果不予考虑。（49）既然我们与他们（年轻人）的交际首要目的是使他们能够共同生活，因此我们不禁要考虑自己是否在形成获得这种能力的力量。每个机构的最终价值在于其对人的独特影响，如果人类在这一认识上取得了进展，那么我们完全可以相信这一启发很大程度上是在与年轻人的交往中学会的。
（50）所以，这使我们从一直考虑的广义的教育过程中区分出一种更正规的教育，即直接讲授或学校教育。在不够发达的社会群体中，我们基本发现不了正规的教育和培训。这些群体主要在人际交往中向年轻人灌输必要的性情，以此保持成年人对群体的忠诚。
Section Ⅲ Writing
Part A
51. Directions:
Restrictions on the use of plastic bags have not been so successful in some regions. “White pollution” is still going on. Write a letter to the editor(s) of your local newspaper to give your opinions briefly and make two or three suggestions.
You should write about 100 words on ANSWER SHEET 2.
Do not sign your own name at the end of the letter. Use “Li Ming” instead.
Do not write the address. (10 points)
Part B
52. Directions:
Write an essay of 160-200 words based on the following drawing. In your essay, you should
1) describe the drawing briefly,
2) explain its intended meaning, and then
用户评论
隔壁阿不都
哇，时间过得好快啊，一转眼都过去14年了，还记得当年考研的时候，真是紧张到不行！
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红尘滚滚
2009年考研，那会儿我还年轻，现在都老了
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爱到伤肺i
09年的考研经历，现在回想起来还是历历在目啊，那些努力和奋斗，都是宝贵的回忆。
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爱你心口难开
当年考研，真的是压力山大啊！
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发型不乱一切好办
2009年考研，感觉好遥远！
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逃避
时间过得太快了，当年考研的场景仿佛就在昨天！
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你瞒我瞒
09年的考研，是我人生的一个重要转折点！
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素婉纤尘
记得当年考研的时候，我还特别喜欢去图书馆学习！
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反正是我
09年的考研，那些努力和汗水，成就了今天的我！
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别伤我i
2009年考研，真的很难，不过最终还是成功了！
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爱情的过失
时间过得真快，一眨眼都过去十几年了，当年考研的时候我还很年轻呢！
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ヅ她的身影若隐若现
09年的考研，那真是一个难忘的经历！
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你是梦遥不可及
当年考研的时候，每天都过得很充实，现在想想，那真是美好的时光！
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有些人,只适合好奇~
2009年考研，我最终考上了心仪的学校，真是太高兴了！
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∞◆暯小萱◆
当年考研的时候，真是压力山大啊，不过最终还是坚持下来了！
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她的风骚姿势我学不来
时间过得好快啊，一转眼都十几年了，当年考研的场景，还历历在目！
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毒舌妖后
09年考研，对我来说是一个重要的里程碑！
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权诈
当年考研的时候，我还特别喜欢和同学一起学习！
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2009年考研，我最终考上了理想的专业，现在想想，真是很幸运！
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红玫瑰。
当年考研的时候，我每天都过得很充实，现在想想，真是美好的回忆！
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